StateRates
How the market works · 8 min read

What a capacity market is, and why it raised your bill

In the year to May 2026, residential rates rose across nine states that share almost nothing except a wholesale market. One auction most people have never heard of explains most of it.

Electricity markets pay generators for two different things, and confusing them is the reason a lot of recent bill increases look inexplicable.

The first is energy: actual megawatt-hours produced and delivered. The second is capacity: a commitment to be available if called upon, whether or not you are ever called. The capacity payment is not for electricity. It is for readiness.

Why readiness has to be paid for separately

A power system has to meet demand on its single worst hour, which in most of the country is a January evening or a July afternoon. Meeting that peak requires plants that will run for a few dozen hours a year and sit idle the rest of the time.

A plant like that cannot survive on energy sales. It has fixed costs every day of the year: staff, maintenance, insurance, fuel contracts, debt service. If it were paid only for the megawatt-hours it produced, it would close, and the grid would then be short precisely on the day it could least afford to be.

The capacity market exists to solve that. Generators bid the annual payment they need to stay available. The market operator buys enough to meet forecast peak demand plus a reserve margin, and everyone who clears is paid the same clearing price. Utilities buy that capacity on behalf of their customers, and the cost lands on retail bills.

What happened in PJM

PJM is the wholesale market covering thirteen states and the District of Columbia, from Illinois east to New Jersey and south to Virginia. Its capacity auction for the 2025/2026 delivery year cleared at a record price, and the 2026/2027 auction stayed high.

Three things moved at once.

  • Demand grew faster than forecast. Data centres are the largest single driver, concentrated in northern Virginia, central Ohio and northern Illinois. Load forecasts were revised upward repeatedly.
  • Supply shrank. Older coal and gas units retired on economics and environmental compliance, removing capacity from the pool.
  • Replacements did not arrive. New generation sat in an interconnection queue that takes years to clear, so the projects that would have offset the retirements were not yet available to bid.

A tighter reserve margin means a higher clearing price. That is the mechanism working as designed: a high price is the signal that the system needs more capacity. The signal is expensive for the people paying it.

How it reached residential bills

In restructured states, utilities no longer own generation. They buy default supply through periodic auctions, and those auctions price against the wholesale market including capacity. When capacity repriced, the next default-service auction repriced with it, and the increase appeared on bills within months rather than being spread over years.

This is why the increase looks so uniform across states with nothing else in common. Illinois and Ohio are Midwestern; Maryland and the District are import-dependent; Pennsylvania is a large net exporter of electricity; New Jersey is dense and restructured. Their generation mixes, politics and utility structures differ completely.

PJM states, year over year

Change measured May 2025 to May 2026. The average across these nine jurisdictions is +14.8%.

PJM-exposed jurisdictions
State May 2026 (¢/kWh) May 2025 Change vs. U.S.
Illinois 23.85 18.58 +28.4% +29.3%
District of Columbia 25.40 20.43 +24.3% +37.7%
Virginia 17.61 15.26 +15.4% -4.5%
Maryland 21.77 19.00 +14.6% +18.1%
Ohio 19.52 17.09 +14.2% +5.9%
New Jersey 23.27 20.48 +13.6% +26.2%
Pennsylvania 21.55 19.29 +11.7% +16.9%
Delaware 19.38 18.13 +6.9% +5.1%
West Virginia 16.80 16.18 +3.8% -8.9%

Northern Illinois cleared even higher than the rest of PJM because it was treated as a separate constrained zone, which is why ComEd customers saw the sharpest single-year move in the country.

Where capacity markets do not exist

Texas is the deliberate counter-example. ERCOT has no capacity market at all. Generators earn from energy and ancillary services only, and scarcity pricing during tight conditions is the mechanism meant to signal new investment. The design is philosophically cleaner and it puts more risk on generators, but it also means Texas prices can spike violently when the system tightens, as they did during Winter Storm Uri.

Most of the South and West have no organised capacity market either, for a different reason: their utilities are vertically integrated. A regulated utility plans its own capacity, builds it, and recovers the cost through rate base under commission supervision. The capacity still gets paid for; it just happens through a rate case rather than an auction.

What you can do about it

Not much directly, which is worth saying plainly. Capacity costs are a wholesale market outcome and no household action changes them.

Two things are worth knowing, though. First, if you are shopping for a competitive supplier, ask whether capacity is included in the quoted rate. Some contracts quote energy only and pass capacity through separately, which makes the headline number look better than the bill will be.

Second, demand response programmes exist precisely because reducing peak demand reduces how much capacity has to be bought. Many utilities in PJM states pay households to let a thermostat or water heater be controlled during a handful of peak hours a year. The payments are modest but the programme is one of the few places where a household interacts with the capacity market directly.

For where your own state landed, the year-over-year comparison shows all 51 jurisdictions, and each state page explains what drove its particular number.

Common questions

Does every state have a capacity market?

No. PJM, ISO New England and NYISO run capacity markets. MISO runs a smaller annual auction. ERCOT in Texas deliberately has none, relying on scarcity pricing in the energy market instead. Most of the South and West have no organised wholesale market at all, and utilities there plan and build capacity under regulatory supervision.

Why would you pay a plant not to produce anything?

Because the grid has to meet demand on the single worst hour of the year, not the average hour. A plant that runs fifty hours a year still has to exist, be staffed and be maintained for the other 8,710. Energy-only revenue would not cover that, so it would close, and the grid would be short on the day it mattered.

Are data centres really to blame?

They are the largest single source of the demand growth that tightened the reserve margin, particularly in northern Virginia, central Ohio and northern Illinois. But they did not act alone: fossil retirements ran ahead of replacements, and the interconnection queue for new generation moved slowly. Load growth met a supply pipeline that could not respond quickly, and the price did what prices do.

Will these costs come back down?

Capacity prices are set for one delivery year at a time, so they can fall as new generation connects. Whether they do depends on how fast projects clear the interconnection queue against how fast demand grows. Nothing about the current trajectory suggests a quick reversal.

Rate figures referenced here come from U.S. Energy Information Administration, Electric Power Monthly, Table 5.6.A: Average Price of Electricity to Ultimate Customers by End-Use Sector, by State, May 2026. Methodology · Sources